Journey of a Haitian-American Olympian - Pascale Delaunay - by Richard Jeanty

Pascale Delaunay.

Stunningly fit and glamorously beautiful is an understatement as it relates to Pascale Delaunay. Though she possesses the physical body of an athlete, a beautiful picture of Pascale Delaunay on the cover of Vogue may be more befitting. However, do not be fooled into thinking this stunner is anything but brains. A Systems Engineer at Cisco Systems in southern California by trade and a triple jumper through hard work and dedication, Pascale has always known her path in society would be forged through education and athletics. She was born on September 21, 1982 in Garenne Colombe, France, and raised in Haiti when her parents returned to their native country. During the civil unrest in Haiti in 1991, Pascale and her family immigrated to the United States for safety reasons.
The third oldest of seven children, Pascale grew up in a loving family where her two-star general father, a member of the Haitian military, instilled a sense of pride, structure, competitive spirit and the kind of discipline that helped shape her attitude in life. Not to be outdone, her mother was the backbone of the family and taught her children to always put family first, no matter what. A close-knit family, the Delaunay family has moved around as a group across the world.
Traditionally, the Haitian athlete is not so traditional in a Haitian home, but for the Delaunay family athletics have always been a part of life. A gifted athlete in every sense of the word, Pascale developed an interest in sports as an adolescent, following in the footsteps of her older brother, Joseph, a great athlete in his own right. A member of the cross country, volleyball, basketball, and track & field teams in high school, Pascale was in the beginning stages of finding her niche. After wrestling with the idea of running track, due to the heavy influence by her track star older brother, Joseph, Pascale would discover her love for the jumping events. A better-than-average jumper, Pascale excelled in high school in the triple jump and would eventually go on to earn a scholarship from the University of Rhode Island, where she competed and earned athlete of the year honors at the University of Rhode Island and was a also a finalist for athlete of the year for the State of Rhode Island in 2004 for the NCAA, just to name a few.
Pascale’s family life is likened to America’s favorite show during the 80’s, The Brady Bunch. A house full of children and two loving parents determined to raise, socially functional and quality adults; there was no escaping success. Pascale started setting her sights on the Olympics after competing nationally and earning 5 Atlantic 10 individual championships in the triple jumping events and many other accolades and awards in competition. However, there’s something to be said about the Electrical Engineering and French double major who sees herself as an outsider. A Dean’s list and all academic conference member in college, Pascale’s intelligence cannot be underestimated. While pursuing a career in engineering at Cisco Systems for a couple of years, she couldn’t escape the grips of athletic competition and found herself back on the field, and a lot more determined with a hunger to surpass all past achievements. Pascale’s primary focus has always been academics and her family, but sport has also been a domineering factor in her life. Unfulfilled and driven to prove to herself she can be one of the best in the world, she started training towards the goal of making it to the Olympics to represent her Haitian heritage. She’s set on her goal and she will not be denied.
Pascale has always looked to her family for motivation and inspiration and they are a central part of her efforts to stay focused and undistracted from obtaining her goal of winning a medal at the Olympics. Family has always been at the forefront of Pascale’s mind. Her relentless pursuit of a medal in the triple jump is to help forge change, not just in her personal life, but also the lives of the less fortunate kids in Haiti that she hopes to assist with the many programs she plans on implementing on the island. Pascale’s nostalgia about the place where she grew up can only be described with one word, passion.
Pascale’s journey has not been easy by any stretch of the imagination, which is one of the reasons she hopes to establish different sports leagues and build an athletic complex in Haiti to give hope to all those Haitian children who aspire to be world class athletes. As training for the Olympics becomes nothing more than a lifestyle to her, she expects it will lessen the pressure of competition and afford her the ability to be stress free on her way to bringing the medal home. With strength, courage and the support she receives from her brothers and sisters and her mother, the hero who gave birth to her, Pascale sees no limit in her climb to the top of her sport and to use her good fortune as a humanitarian ambassador for all the suffering souls around the world, but most importantly the forgotten and hopeless children of Haiti.


This editorial is written by Richard Jeanty 

AMHE: FORTY YEARS OF GROWTH. NOW WHAT?

by OdlerRobert Jeanlouie

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November 12, 1972. It is a Sunday. At Harlem Hospital, 64 young Haitian physicians are holding the first meeting of the AMHE, l'Association des Medecins Haitiens a l'Etranger, the Association of Haitian Physicians Abroad. The mission statement is clearly defined (1) Advocacy for the Haitian immigrant communities in health matters, (2) Contribution to the betterment of public health in Haiti, etc.  How long will the AMHE last?
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On November 12, 1972, it is chilly, but partly sunny in New York. Temperature ranges from 45 to 55 *F.
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On that day, the headline in New York Times reads as follows: "Hijacked Plane Land in Havana a Second Time; 31 Hostages Free; 3 Gunmen Seized After 29 Hours." The pictures of Melvin Cale, Lewis D. Moore, Henry D.,Jackson sit under this title. On the left column, another title, about Vietnam, announces: "Kissinger and Tho Expected to Meet Late in the Week." The paper costs 50 cents at the stand.
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Five days earlier,  Richard Nixon won his presidential reelection campaign with the biggest landslide thus far in U.S history. The war wages in Vietnam and Cambodia in a conflict that will traumatize and define a generation. Jacksonmania is alive and well, Michael Jackson has just started a solo career with Motown. Whitney Houston is 8-year old.
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In Harlem, the relents of the Civil Rights movement, the brutal demises of Martin Luther King and Malcom X are still in every one's mind.  Teenagers and adults alike sport afros and bell bottom pants.
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Since that day, for 40 years, the AMHE has grown, from its few dozen pioneers, to a potential membership of more than 2,000 Haitian physicians practicing today in the United States, Canada, the Caribbean, Western Europe, South America, and Africa. The association, born in New York, sprouted chapters in Quebec, Missouri, Maryland, Florida, Illinois. The New Jersey Chapter, the youngest, was created in 1988.
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Over this period, 1972-2012, the AMHE has kept alive the flame of national identity in the hearts of Haitian physicians educated in Haiti or abroad.  The organization put on 38 summer conventions that offered to all Haitian physicians and their families the opportunity to travel, to meet their peers, to network, to expose their children to a model, to a culture that should not be left back home. Acquaintances became friends, friends became family through marriage, strangers became partners in business.
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Health fairs, health forums, radio education, television shows, medical missions, scholarship programs, professorship programs, school sponsorships, satellite clinics have become the essence and the juice of the activities of the AMHE and of its involvement inside and outside of the mother land.
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The mark of the AMHE has been all over the recent history of Haitians living abroad during the last four decades. The association was at the forefront of the fight against the AIDS label. It exhibited a profound solicitude toward the post-revolution refugees of the 1980s. It took a humanitarian stand against the Haitian killing fields of the 1990s. But its presence in the headlines has decupled since the devastating earthquake that destroyed Port au Prince in January 2010. The AMHE had boots on the ground 48 hours after the seism, taken over rescue operations in and out of the city center, and to this day, it has been leading regular healthcare missions to the island.
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Since the Haitian army has been disbanded in 1994, the AMHE, in collaboration with the AMH (the Association of Haitian Physicians, in Haiti) has become arguably the largest, the most stable, the most visible, the  most active Haitian organization. However, this is not necessarily a blessing. Its apolitical status discards the AMHE from all political decision-making in a country in dire need of political streamlining. Its prominence, its potential size have placed the institution under the magnifying glass of scrutiny. Its achievements have been held against the glare of its non-achievements. The "why nots" have become more thundering. The new leaders, elected last July, during the Panama convention, have understood that they can no longer be the fifth wheel of the state coach.
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The AMHE is at the portal of its rendez-vous with its civic destiny. The organization is ready for prime time.  The 40-year old AMHE has its work cut out. In Haiti, the medical market and the healthcare system in general have been taken over almost entirely by non-governmental agencies (NGOs) and by Cuban physicians.  That is an unfair competition to the Haitian physician in private practice, unable to make a living.
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Public health is nonexistent on the island. Parcelization of the foreign aid, though beneficiary to some individuals, has accelerated the decay of a system, already in disrepair. The teaching of medicine is not standardized, and, at times, stands as substandard. Outside of the country, the precarious and unsanitary living conditions of the Haitian workers in the bateys of the Dominican Republic have become a rallying cry for human dignity.
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The AMHE counts among its potential membership some of the most educated, the most successful elements of the Haitian citizenry. It sits as the prime example of the brain drain from a country that has seen 84% of its elite college educated progeny living outside of its borders.
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On November 3-8, one week before the 40th anniversary of the AMHE, the New Jersey Chapter will travel to Cuba to study the public health system that has yielded the best health-related vital statistics on the continent, even ahead of the United States. This trip will be, for the Association, one  step farther toward doing in  Haiti what the Cubans are doing. All the other chapters, while bracing for the festivities for a 40th birthday, will join that trip.
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November 12, 1972 was a Sunday, it was chilly, but sunny, in New York. What a long way since that day!  Happy birthday AMHE! Happy birthday to a healthy quadragenarian! 
 
A grateful salute goes to the founding fathers. A special thought is dedicated to those among the pioneers who are no longer. Peace to their souls. Paix a leurs ames.
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(OdlerRobert Jeanlouie, Friday, February 17, 2012.)
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Please, visit: www.AMHENJ.org

Celebrating Hope: Philanthropist Fabrice Armand Keeps the Spotlight on Haiti 

During this Black History Month, Haitian-American philanthropist and businessman, Fabrice J. Armand is focusing his time and energy on planning his 30th birthday. Unlike most of his peers who typically celebrate such a milestone by throwing a fabulous fete, Fabrice has committed himself to an unselfish purpose. Inspired by famous columnist, Liz Smith, who uses her annual birthday bash to bring attention to philanthropy, Fabrice will use his March 3rd celebration for his 2nd Annual Haiti Cherie: Pride. Love. Commitment fundraiser. The event will celebrate Haitian culture, honor those that perished during the 2010 earthquake, and raise money to benefit Wings over Haiti and the Haiti Cultural Exchange.

Fabrice became an advocate for his homeland long before the 2010 earthquake. Fabrice's intense passion for Haiti began during his formative years in Port au Prince. He came to America in his early teens but a sense of pride in his heritage kept him connected to Haiti. Fabrice was disturbed by constant media coverage of Haiti as an impoverished, third world nation teetering on social and political collapse. There was rarely an emphasis on its rich history and culture. Instead of throwing up his hands in frustration, Fabrice got involved with organizations making a positive impact. More important, he took out his address book and started a personal campaign to educate and encourage his friends as well as business contacts to invest in Haiti's future.

As part of his ongoing commitment, last December Fabrice lead a documentary film production team in Haiti to bring attention to the rebuilding efforts and spread goodwill through the New York-based Haiti is Me Campaign. Haiti is Me is a grassroots campaign aimed at engaging and empowering everyday people to help Haiti rebuild. Accompanying Fabrice on his philanthropic mission was author and Essence.com columnist Demetria L. Lucas and photographer-filmmaker Mackenten Petion.

The team spent nearly three weeks chronicling the social and economic accomplishments made after the 2010 earthquake. Their destinations included Port au Prince, Kenscoff, Les Cayes, Camp-Perrin, and Port Salute. They volunteered, visited tent camps, and interviewed diverse leaders in infrastructure rebuilding, tourism, government, education, healthcare, and agriculture. The team also met with program directors of organizations that received aid from Mr. Armand's Haiti Cherie fundraising campaign. The documentary will premier in July 2012. Thereafter, it will be available online.

Filming the documentary presented an opportunity to give dignity and respect to the daily struggle of the Haitian people. Fabrice wants people to understand that the citizens of Haiti are seeking self-sustaining job opportunities. He hopes the documentary will help spread the word that Haitians are hard working, eager, and resilient people that are not looking for a handout. The Haitian people want to earn their income and want to use their funds to uplift the nation once known as The Pearl of the Antilles. When he is confronted by people who point out the political scandals and violence in Haiti's past, he quickly tells them that he has the audacity to hope and believe that his people have a bright future. While on the trip, Fabrice noticed that the people of Haiti have more faith in their government. Fabrice and his companions attended a government function where the people were yelling their approval.

That is a sign of progress.
Fabrice is ecstatic that hospitality powerhouses such as the Marriott Corporation and Best
Western are making multimillion-dollar investments in his homeland. Miami-based entrepreneur Michael Capponi and renowned designer Donna Karan are creating job opportunities in the city of Jacmel. During Fabrice's visit celebrities such as Oprah, Neyo, Louis Farrakhan, and Kim Kardashian were using their notoriety to motivate other influential individuals and entities to see the long-term value of investing in Haiti.
During his visit, Fabrice was impressed with two locations. The waterfalls and mountainside landscapes Aux Cayes is just one example of the natural beauty of Haiti. The other area is in Furcy where Rustik, an eco-friendly resort and lounge, provides a peaceful escape into the mountains.

Fabrice hopes that five years from now Haiti will flourish as a tourist destination. He anticipates the government will continue creating job opportunities in the Northern and Southern regions of Haiti. Moreover, new investors coming to Haiti will help create sustainable job opportunities for all Haitians of all background and social classes.

Haiti's success also depends on the ability of the young people to be educated and competitive. As a person educated in his homeland as well as the United States, Fabrice admonishes Haiti's youth to focus on their education and keep their minds open to different opportunities. Traditionally, parents wanted their sons and daughters to become doctors, lawyers or architects. Youths should keep their eyes open and look into other fields that can be lucrative like marketing, engineering, hospitality management, tourism, and design. Fabrice would like colleges and universities in countries such as the United States, France, Spain, and Canada to create exchange programs so the flow of knowledge and discourse can continue.

Fabrice is looking forward to using his birthday to celebrate Haiti for many years to come. He remains optimistic that the sacrifice and fortitude of Haiti's people will move them towards a bright and brilliant future.

T-Vice Mgt. Press Release on Cardoso tragedy

Fans, friends and family,

It is with a heavy heart that we send out this message. Many of you know that T-Vice is composed of a close knit family and when one member hurts we all hurt. On our way to the airport yesterday mid afternoon to board our flight to Santo Domingo for the FiestaPiscina Weekend, we lost one of our family members. In a terrible car accident James Cardoso lost his brother, Rocky. The shock has yet to wear off and we are still trying to understand why something like this could happen.



We ask our fans, friends and family to keep our brother in your prayers as well as his family. This is a hard loss to bear and we have decided to cancel our Santo Domingo tour. We do apologize to everyone and in this time of grief we ask that each of you take note of how precious life truly is. In a split second T-Vice can be on top of the world feeling amazing from an outstanding Kanaval 2012 in Aux Cayes and in one moment our joy, excitement and energy was taken from us as we lost one of our own.

Please keep James in your prayers for this is something none of the T-Vice crew ever expected to be going through today!

T-Vice Management
Feb. 25, 2012
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The RockMasters Entertainment team sends its sincere condolences to the Cordoso family and the T-Vice family. He is gone from sight, but never memories. Gone from your touch, but never your hearts. With deepest sympathy,

- RockMasters Entertainment

Martelly Kicked off Himself First Day Carnival in Les Cayes

From: Defend.ht

LES CAYES, Haiti (defend.ht)- President Martelly launched himself Sunday, February 19th, Carnival in Les Cayes, third largest Haitian city. He hosted the first day of the national carnival, heading up musical bands, mingling with the crowds in the streets and chanting to the delight of carnival-goers.

Tens of thousands of people from various departments of Haiti and abroad attended the first day fat (Sunday, February 19, 2012) of Haitian carnival, held for the first time in Les Cayes, the third largest city in Haiti, located about 200 km south of the capital city, Port-au-Prince.

Officials, tourists, foreign and Haitian journalists were present to launch this annual cultural event, interspersed with a few incidents that have not disturbed the feast.

President Michel Martelly kicked off the first day of fatty national carnival themed: “Haiti’s taking off, Les Cayes gets ahead”.

CLICK HERE TO WATCH LIVE

The president was traveling on a motorcycle sometimes, sometimes walking on foot through the carnival path, has seen the online agency AlterPresse.

Dance schools, youth clubs, musical bands, 18 bands and 11 floats paraded about 2 kilometers. The procession started from the street Toussaint Louverture Gabions (south of the city) to go to the Boulevard Des Quatre Chemins.

Martelly’s supporters waved placards to send messages to parliamentarians who, they think, prevent their president to work.

Meanwhile, several slogans against the head of state were noticed on some of the city walls. Some describe Martelly an "enemy of the people" and "domestic of bourgeois", “down with Martelly”.

Organizationally, sensitizers conveying messages of peace were mobilized. Health structures were reinforced and mobile and fixed teams were formed to care for any injured.

The National Police of Haiti (PNH) has visibly increased its workforce in the South. Police officers have maintained a constant presence throughout the journey.

Several arrests were made and firearms seized, a police source told. Some cases of injuries and traffic accidents were also recorded, according to this source. However, it is reported that a sailing ship trying to reach Les Cayes for carnival was wrecked causing five deaths.

Public Treasury has disbursed 50 million gourdes for the festivities. Disbursements have been considerable in the private sector, according to what was observed.

Economic benefits are expected in Les Cayes. This carnival is an opportunity for this city to show their potential cultural and tourism, said a representative of the city within the national committee.

He welcomed the progress of the first day fat, "despite some weaknesses related to setbacks." The carnival will continue Monday and end on Fat Tuesday.

Appointed Haitian Judge Jean Baptiste running for seat in Chicago

Judge Lionel Jean-Baptiste Seeks To Retain Judgeship

http://www.evanstonroundtable.com/main.asp?SectionID=15&SubSectionID=26&ArticleID=4813 

Pictured in photo, standing, are Judge Lionel Jean-Baptiste and his wife of 35 years, Lenore Jean-Baptiste, during a training session of supporters at Boocoo Café.

Last month, Judge Lionel Jean-Baptiste kicked off his campaign for Circuit Court Judge of Cook County’s 9th Judicial Subcircuit. On Sept. 7, approximately 50 of his supporters met at Boocoo Café, 1823 Church, and received training on how to properly collect signatures to place him on the ballot.

Judge Jean-Baptiste was appointed as a judge to the 9th judicial subcircuit by the Illinois Supreme Court in March 2011 to fill the remaining term of a vacancy. He is now seeking to retain that judgeship in the March 20, 2012 election. He previously practiced law for more than 20 years, and was an alderman on the Evanston City Council for 10 years. He is a graduate of Evanston Township High School, Princeton University and Chicago-Kent Law School.

Judge Jean-Baptiste is the founder and past chairman of the Haitian Congress to Fortify Haiti and has coordinated efforts to bring relief to the victims of the devastating earthquake there. As an alderman, he served on many committees and initiated programs to help young adults stay away from crime and succeed in life. He served on the Restorative Justice Committee to help implement conflict resolution strategies and reduce violence.

Judge Jean-Baptiste has been found qualified or recommended by all bar associations that rate judicial candidates in Cook County, and highly qualified by the Cook County Bar Association.


VISIT HIS WEB SITE AT:
http://www.jeanbaptisteforjudge.org/

Inauguration of Henry Christophe University Donated by the Dominican government -

President Leonel Fernandez, First Lady Margarita Cedeno and Foreign Relations Minsiter Carlos Morales Troncoso were in northern Haiti for the inauguration of the northern campus of the Haiti State University (UEH), donated by the Dominican government.

The Inauguration of Henry Christophe University in Limonade, Northern Haiti, coincided with the second anniversary of the devastating earthquake that destroyed the same date in 2010, Port-au-Prince and other cities like Leogane, Jacme, Grand-Goave, Petit-Goave.

The ceremony took place in the presence of the President of the Republic of Haiti, Michel Martelly, his wife, Sonia Saint-Remy Martelly and his counterpart, Leonel Fernandez Reyna, and officials Dominicans. Jean Henri Vernet, Rector of State University of Haiti, also attended the inauguration.

On this occasion the President Martelly stated he believes that the university will play a major role in reviving the social, cultural, economic, not only in the region but in the entire country.

All countries that have made significant progress in human development have made education the major strategic focus to reduce inequalities, promote social mobility, strengthening social cohesion and improve their stock of human capital, argues Head of State.

Martelly expressed hope that this campus will be a real catalyst to promote the modernization of the Haitian university system, which has a mission of excellence in all fields of knowledge including science and technology.

The campus must, among other things, be used to help develop integrated into the public education system at the regional level.

For his part, Dominican President, Leonel Fernandez Reyna demonstrates the solidarity of his people against the Haitians, who have suffered the consequences of an earthquake that generated, he recalls, the disappearance of 20% of national wealth and 80% of university buildings in the country.

Speaking during the event, President Fernandez told the Haitian people: The Dominican people were with you as soon as the earthquake happened to rescue you, we were there for you at the start of reconstruction, and we will be there to celebrate the new victories.

The rector Jean Henri Vernet indicates on his side that this campus will be named Henry Christophe Campus in honor of the latter which is the pride of northerners and to whom we owe the first higher education institutions the nation.

8 Police Officers Guilty for Prison Massacre

in Rare Trial of Haiti’s Police

By DEBORAH SONTAG and WALT BOGDANICH - NY TIMES

Published: January 19, 2012

In a country where officials who abuse their power are almost never held accountable, 8 of 14 police officers tried for a 2010 prison massacre were found guilty on Thursday in the southern city of Les Cayes, Haiti

- SEE VIDEOS BELOW -

On the second anniversary of the massacre, Judge Ezekiel Vaval handed down sentences ranging from 2 to 13 years of imprisonment and hard labor. The stiffest sentences were given to the highest-ranking officials, the former Les Cayes prison warden, Sylvestre Larack, and the city’s riot police chief, Olritch Beaubrun, who was tried in absentia.

Judge Vaval, who received frequent death threats during the three-month trial and traveled to New York over the holidays to write his decision free from pressure, delivered his verdicts to an initially hushed crowd of hundreds packing the courtroom. He spoke rapidly, looking off into the distance, and then rapidly departed as the audience erupted into cheers and jeers.

“The decision of the judge is his expression of the truth,” Judge Vaval said. “There are other versions that exist but this is mine. And that is the law.”

VIDEO: The Police on Trial

 

VIDEO The Killings at Les Cayes Prison

 

While it was a rough-hewn legal proceeding by American standards, the trial, having taken place at all, represents a rare victory for the rule of law in Haiti. Haitian government officials who break the law, be they police officers or presidents, typically elude justice, benefiting from a weak, corrupt judicial system.

“Wow, this is a real landmark moment for Haitian justice,” said William O’Neill, an American human rights lawyer with decades of experience in Haiti. “To get some senior law enforcement officials held accountable with fairly serious sentences — it’s really historic.”

Fourteen officers were charged with murder, attempted murder and other crimes for killing and wounding dozens of detainees in the aftermath of a disturbance on Jan. 19, 2010, a week after the earthquake. The officers opened fire on unarmed inmates “deliberately and without justification,” according to an independent commission.

That commission, run jointly by the Haitian government and the United Nations, was appointed after an investigation by The New York Times in May 2010 contradicted the official explanation for the deaths at the prison. Initially, the Haitian government had accepted the local officials’ explanation that a single detainee had killed his fellow inmates before escaping.

Mr. Larack, in fact, was promoted after the massacre to run the largest penitentiary in the country; when the Times reporters tried to speak with him there, he ordered them to destroy videotape of him refusing to answer questions. And Mr. Beaubrun, before leaving the country for what his lawyer said were medical reasons, told the reporters that his riot squad had never fired a shot.

But The Times found that police and prison officers had shot unarmed prisoners, and witnesses at trial said that Mr. Beaubrun himself not only had ordered the shootings but had participated in them.

The Times also reported that the police had moved some bodies before outside investigators showed up and had hurriedly buried some victims in unmarked graves.

The joint commission then conducted an investigation — although hindered by the authorities’ initial failures to collect and preserve evidence — and prodded the government to prosecute the offenders.

The prosecutor, Jean-Marie J. Salomon, charged that officers had killed 20 detainees, but the precise number of deaths and injuries is not known.

Testifying at the trial, one detainee, Patrick Olcine, said he had been shot in the back but had never gone to the hospital. “They were taking dead people and living people, and they were picking them up together,” he said. “I didn’t want them to pick me up and go bury me.”

By American standards, the trial often had a circuslike atmosphere, with protracted quarrels between screaming lawyers playing to the raucous crowds that daily packed a theater in Les Cayes, Haiti’s third-largest city. Small bottles of rum were on sale at the door, the trial was conducted in semidarkness when fuel for the generator ran out and the judge, lacking a gavel, rang a small bell in an often futile effort to gain control of the courtroom

Mr. Salomon inherited the case when he was appointed shortly before the trial. He had never tried a case before, and trial observers said he was often outmatched by highly seasoned defense lawyers.

The defense maintained that the police were just doing their jobs.

“But killing people was not doing their job,” said Florence Elie, Haiti’s ombudsman.

The prosecutor asked the judge to sentence 11 of the defendants, including Mr. Larack, to life in prison and hard labor. But Ms. Elie said that the judge, who acquitted six of the officers, chose an equitable middle ground in his decision. He gave Mr. Larack 7 years and Mr. Beaubrun 13.

“If they were civilians, they would have gotten life,” Ms. Elie said. “But the judge was wise. If he had given the normal sentence, we would have had bigger problems in the long run with our police force.”

Still, Ms. Elie said she was very concerned about reprisals because the witnesses, the judge and the prosecutor had not been given protection, as recommended by the joint commission. The chief witness for the prosecution was threatened repeatedly and finally fled to Port-au-Prince, she said, adding that she had not been able to locate him since.

Many Haitians wonder whether this trial could have a galvanizing effect on their justice system, but they are wary of being hopeful.

Far bigger cases lie on the horizon.

Former President Jean-Claude Duvalier, for instance, has supposedly been under investigation since his return from exile a year ago for human rights abuses committed during his 15-year reign. But the investigation appears to have stalled, and the new president, Michel Martelly, has shown no inclination to encourage it.

Instead, Mr. Martelly has claimed that nobody in Haiti wants to see Mr. Duvalier prosecuted and that the push to do so comes from “certain institutions and governments” abroad.

Although supposedly confined to his house, Mr. Duvalier has made increasingly frequent excursions, and presided over a promotion ceremony at the Gonaïves law school last month.

But on Thursday, a judge summoned Mr. Duvalier to court to explain why he had violated his house arrest.

Dump Truck Plows through Crowd in Delmas

Tuesday, 17 January 2012 

PORT-AU-PRINCE, Haiti (defend.ht) – At least 26 are dead and at least 56 are injured when the brakes failed on a dump truck carrying gravel. The truck ran through a line of street vendors, motorcyclists and cars near the National Television of Haiti station on Delmas 33.

Initial reports came in through HaitiXChange, who said of the scene:

”When I arrived on the scene there was mass chaos as police officers tried to control the crowds. Dead bodies littered the streets and body parts could be seen in crushed cars. Even president Martelly made an appearance and could seen from the Haiti National Television balcony.”

”I quickly left the scene as bulldozers started clearing the debris and there were concerns that they might disturb they high-tension wires overhead causing more casualties. The entire scene was a horrible mess.”

Police are searching for the driver of the truck. Chief of Police, Will Dimanche said, "witnesses say he jumped from the truck after hitting the first obstacle but we'll find him anyway."

Mayor Wilson Jeudy of Delmas says the accident occurred at 10 in the evening. The mayor said the large truck was coming down from Delmas 40 and could not stop its momentum. Vendors, vehicle operators, and anyone in the way of the runaway truck were hurt.

The mayor says city hall has worked to clear the space of food vendors. He said that often these vendors argue with agents from his office and after being forced to leave, would return. The mayor says it is a very dangerous area to be in.

Jeudy estimates that much regulation must take place, saying that vehicles are on the road that have not been inspected, often headlights are out and traffic can easily lose order.

The mayor is thankful that the accident occurred at 10 in the evening as opposed to earlier in the day when the area is busy and dense with citizens.

WATCH VIDEO

(WARNING - VERY GRAPHICAL)

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Michel Martelly, the President of the Republic,

went, on the evening of Monday, January 16, 2012, to the Television Nationale d'Haiti (TNH) in Delmas 33, to see the extent of damage caused by a terrible traffic accident.

Around 10 pm, a truck [ZA 12655], whose brakes apparently dropped, hit in its path pedestrians, vehicles, motorcycles, among others, before finishing its run in the premises of the State television. The first findings gave to count, several casualties and wounded. [according to the latest information that accident would have been 29 victims and more than 56 wounded]

"It appears that the driver lost control of the vehicle, claiming the lives of many merchants which offer food on the sidewalks and many passers-by, before finishing his wild ride in the premises of the National Television of Haiti," indicated the National Director of Traffic Services, Will Dimanche.

Arrived on site, the Head of State quickly issued a call for solidarity of emergency to the medical staff (doctors and nurses) to go to the Hospital of the State University of Haiti (General Hospital) OFATMA hospital, Doctors Without Borders (Sartre) and the hospital La Paix, in order to help the victims.

The President of the Republic while deploring the unfortunate events that once again mourning the Haitian families, renews its commitment to work to correct a set of behaviors and practices often very damaging to the community

DECLARATION OF PRESIDENT MARTELLY ON ACCIDENT

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Haiti: Delmas Accident Toll Climbs to 40, Interior Minister Expresses Sympathy

The Minister of Interior Thierry Mayard Paul expressed his sympathies for those lost in the traffic accident on highway Delmas on Monday as the death count has reached almost 40.

In a communication sent to DH, the minister said:

Through this sense of grief, tragedy reminds us once again the many weaknesses of our society and the many tasks that we still needed to definitely boost our country.

Minister Mayard Paul said he aims to renew his commitment to work towards improving the living conditions of the Haitian people throughout the country through the decentralization and the creation of jobs and reducing the impact of such incidents on our citizens.

The unfortunate incident that killed 40 people and left dozens injured occurred between 9:45 ET 10 PM between Delmas 41 and 33 near the local Television Nationale d'Haiti.

The Ministry of Interior, Local Authorities and National Defense implemented to increase local and international cooperation could provide concrete and positive changes to achieve the vision of the President of the Republic is the creation of of sustainable development for the country.

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Newly Posted Article
Officers found Guilty in Rare Trial of Haiti’s Police

Haiti's 1 Percent A look at the lives of plenty in the land of the poor.- By: Arnaud Robert - Photos: Paolo Woods

Is there a story about Haiti that doesn't mention the Caribbean nation's dubious honor of being "the poorest country in the Western Hemisphere"? Few have ever heard about Haiti's wealthy elite, most of whom came to the island from France, Lebanon, Syria, Germany, or Jamaica at the beginning of the last century -- families that chose to invest in a country where nothing seems to endure. Despite, but sometimes thanks to, the absence of a functioning government, rich Haitians have prospered mainly in the import-export business. One percent of Haitians control 50 percent of the country's economy, and its top 500 taxpayers generate 80 percent of its tax revenues. They are also active in the textile industry, where they subcontract for American multinationals, as well as in construction and agriculture. But wealth doesn't buy love. Writer Lyonel Trouillot famously labeled the local bourgeoisie as the "Most Repugnant Elite" for reducing Haiti, known as the "Pearl of the Antilles" when it was a French colony, to a state of abject poverty. In these impenetrable homes nestled in the hills overlooking Port-au-Prince, huge parties are held around swimming pools and in ritzy hotels, gyms, and salons. Here's an intimate look at Haiti's 1 percent.

Below, businessman Gregory Brandt.

Involved in the soap and oil sector, he is president of the Franco-Haitian Chamber of Commerce. "My children studied abroad, but they chose to come back to Haiti, despite the situation. It is my greatest source of pride.

Eric Jean-Baptiste, owner of Père Eternel, Haiti's second-biggest lottery.

He's a larger-than-life, self-styled entrepreneur from the Haitian middle class. Today there is not a block in the capital of Port-au-Prince or the entire country that does not have at least two or three lottery stands. The son of a leader in President François "Papa Doc" Duvalier's feared paramilitary force, the Tonton Macoutes, Jean-Baptiste has utter contempt for the mulatto elite that rules the core of the Haitian economy.

Michel "Sweet Micky" Martelly

Michel "Sweet Micky" Martelly, 50 years old, has gone from being the "President of Kompa," Haiti's carnival music, to being the new president of Haiti.

Upper-class revelers

At the Ritz hotel in the Pétionville neighborhood of Port-au-Prince, upper-class revelers attend a concert of the Haitian group T-Vice during Carnival.

Haitian of Syrian descent

At the Milano, a posh beauty salon in Pétionville, a Haitian of Syrian descent, Zureki Zakour, 21, gets her nails and hair done.

Pascale Théard luxury shoe stylist

Pascale Théard is a luxury shoe stylist, interior designer, and heir to a Haitian tycoon. She has recently decorated the offices of Haiti's new president and is a strong promoter of local artists and handicrafts. -Relaxing with her children at home.

Philippe Dodard and his wife

Philippe Dodard and his wife in their house in the hills above Pétionville. Mr. Dodard is an artist who has become very close to the establishment and regularly receives commissions from banks and major Haitian companies. His sculptures and paintings grace the homes of many of the Haitian elite.

Trainer Dufaide Desgranges

Trainer Dufaide Desgranges leads a spinning class at Ultimate Fitness, a luxury fitness club in Pétionville. Pedaling furiously is Patrice Bayard (in white T-shirt), a vice president of Access Haiti, one of the main Internet providers for the country; Claudie Marsan, a prominent business lawyer, raises her hands in the air.

Marc-Antoine Acra of Acra Industries

Marc-Antoine Acra runs, with his extended family, Acra Industries, an industrial group that manufactures metal sheeting for construction, paper and plastic bags, and plastic plumbing pipes. They are also the country's biggest importer of rice and sugar. He walks with his daughter at his estate above Port-au-Prince; his family purchased the surrounding land to ensure the view is not marred by construction.

Read the related French article Published in the magazine Le Monde

- Les nantis d'Haïti

Par Arnaud Robert / Photos Paolo Woods 6 Janvier, 2012 -------------------------------------- Parce qu'ils ont soutenu les dictateurs, parce qu'ils ont peu investi dans l'économie locale, parce que certains sont les rois de la sous-traitance à bas prix..., les riches Haïtiens ont mauvaise réputation. Mais le président Martelly compte bien s'appuyer sur leurs capitaux pour reconstruire le pays. Il faut gravir une montagne qui surplombe Port-au-Prince, se présenter à la grille face à un gardien dont le canon scié tournoie dans l'air frais, puis garer sa voiture dans la mêlée de 4 × 4 rutilants. La porte est ouverte. Un intérieur à la californienne..... Continue reading Full Article HERE http://rockmasters-blogs.blogspot.com/2012/01/les-nantis-dhaiti-par-arnaud-robert-le.html

Les nantis d'Haïti -Par Arnaud Robert - Le Monde.fr

Par Arnaud Robert / Photos Paolo Woods
6 Janvier, 2012

Parce qu'ils ont soutenu les dictateurs, parce qu'ils ont peu investi dans l'économie locale, parce que certains sont les rois de la sous-traitance à bas prix..., les riches Haïtiens ont mauvaise réputation. Mais le président Martelly compte bien s'appuyer sur leurs capitaux pour reconstruire le pays.

Il faut gravir une montagne qui surplombe Port-au-Prince, se présenter à la grille face à un gardien dont le canon scié tournoie dans l'air frais, puis garer sa voiture dans la mêlée de 4 × 4 rutilants. La porte est ouverte. Un intérieur à la californienne. D'énormes sofas. Des téléviseurs plasma. Quelques répliques maladroites de grands peintres haïtiens. Des domestiques en livrée servent de petits morceaux de banane plantain, du cochon grillé et surtout des litres de rhum Barbancourt. Il y a là les héritiers d'une dizaine de familles-clés de l'économie insulaire. Les aciéries d'Haïti, la brasserie nationale, le principal importateur de ciment, une collectionneuse d'orchidées. Un homme fume des cigarettes mentholées en racontant comment il pallie l'absence de production alimentaire locale en important massivement du surgelé des Etats-Unis. On discute de tout, avec de grands rires. Des marées de tentes qui abritent sur chaque place publique les victimes du séisme du 12 janvier 2010. Du nouveau président Michel Martelly, qui a promis de mettre de l'ordre. Et puis, on ne parle plus. Une jeune femme branche son iPod. Rihanna est de la fête. Alors on danse.


Ce sont les invisibles, les silencieux. Ceux dont les médias internationaux, trop occupés à écumer les centres de traitement du choléra et les bidonvilles sédimentés d'Haïti, ne parlent presque jamais. Les 3 % de possédants qui gèrent 80 % de l'économie du pays. Ici, on les appelle les bourgeois. Ailleurs, on dirait le secteur privé. Il y a quelques semaines, à l'hôtel Karibe de Pétion-Ville, la communauté internationale a réuni des investisseurs étrangers, des Américains pour la plupart, avec l'idée de ne pas réduire la reconstruction à des flux de capitaux provenant de la charité mondiale. Bill Clinton, très impliqué dans le dossier depuis la catastrophe, a oublié les entrepreneurs haïtiens. Selon Frantz Duval, rédacteur en chef du quotidien Le Nouvelliste, "cette omission est très mal passée". Un acte manqué ? "Les grands patrons haïtiens sont immunisés contre les promesses de l'international. Depuis des décennies, ils se sont rendu compte que les étrangers n'étaient présents que deux ou trois printemps et qu'ils s'en allaient. Eux se sentent toujours mis à l'écart des tentatives de réhabilitation du tissu économique haïtien." C'est qu'ils ont mauvaise réputation.


Dans le désordre des griefs qui leur sont adressés : un soutien sans faille aux dictatures duvaliéristes ou aux forces paramilitaires après l'élection de Jean-Bertrand Aristide en 1991 ; un retrait presque total des secteurs de production nationale au profit d'importations plus rentables et moins risquées ; parfois même une implication dans le trafic de cocaïne sud-américaine, qui transite largement par cette île où l'Etat, depuis presque trente ans, se définit par son absence. Plus encore, aux yeux de tous, ils seraient coupables d'accepter le gouffre toujours plus profond qui les sépare de l'immense majorité des Haïtiens (deux tiers d'entre eux vivent avec moins de 1 dollar par jour). La plupart du temps, ils préfèrent donc se taire. Mais n'en pensent pas moins.


Pour rencontrer Pascale Théard, il faut sonner à un interphone, passer des murs énormes, renoncer à la laideur obsédante de Port-au-Prince. Elle vous attend, belle jeune femme aux cheveux noirs, dans une maison digne des magazines de décoration. L'immense porte sculptée ouvre sur un jardin avec piscine d'où l'on contemple toute la plaine, jusqu'aux camps de plastique qui cèdent parfois leur place, deux ans après le séisme, à des maisonnettes préfabriquées.


Du mobilier signé Philippe Starck côtoie un artisanat haïtien du meilleur goût et des œuvres de l'école de peinture Saint-Soleil. Pascale Théard, héritière d'un fabricant de spaghettis local, a travaillé dans le luxe à Paris. Elle conçoit aujourd'hui des sandales haut de gamme d'inspiration vaudoue et conseille la présidence sur l'artisanat. Le 12 janvier 2010, elle faisait ses courses au Caribbean Market, le plus gros du pays. Il s'est effondré sur elle. Après s'être extraite des décombres, blessée, elle a été prise en charge par un homme. "C'était un rasta, il ne savait même pas si ses enfants étaient encore en vie, mais il m'a aidée. Dans ce chaos, il y avait une solidarité extraordinaire."Pascale Théard ne répond à aucun des stéréotypes qui accompagnent en général les riches Haïtiens. Elle est presque blanche, comme beaucoup d'entre eux, mais son grand-père mulâtre était tombé amoureux d'une paysanne noire, transgression ultime dans un Etat qui, depuis l'indépendance conquise en 1804, a reproduit la plupart des structures de la société coloniale. "Il existe tellement de clichés sur Haïti. Des Occidentaux de passage me demandent comment je peux vivre dans ce luxe tant il y a de gens qui vivent sous une tente. C'est toujours un regard culpabilisant qui vient de l'étranger. Et eux, alors ? Sont-ils moins responsables parce qu'ils ne sont pas confrontés au quotidien à une misère crasse ? Moi je me bats pour que les gens sortent des tentes en leur fournissant un travail." Elle en veut à Aristide qui, selon elle, a misé sur les clivages et la haine de classe. "J'ai cru au changement. Mais il a monté les Haïtiens contre les Haïtiens. Aujourd'hui je soutiens le président Martelly. Il pense que ce ne sont pas les ONG qui vont réussir à transformer durablement le pays, mais l'économie réelle."


Huit mois après l'élection présidentielle, l'affiche rose fuchsia du candidat Martelly continue de hanter les murs du pays mais les averses tropicales et les gaz d'échappement l'ont ternie. Connu jusqu'ici pour ses chansons salaces et son cul nu lors des carnavals urbains, il vivait alternativement dans sa maison de Floride et dans son petit manoir de Port-au-Prince. Avec sa candidature, pour la première fois, la ligne de partage qui définit ce pays a été réduite : une grande partie de l'élite économique l'a soutenu quand les masses brandissaient son nom sur les boulevards du nord au sud. Sans parti véritable ni représentation parlementaire, il a dû se battre pendant de longs mois pour imposer un ministre. Quinquagénaire à la sévérité composée, il dresse un réquisitoire brutal contre certains entrepreneurs du pays. "On a décrit les riches Haïtiens comme l'élite la plus répugnante au monde parce qu'ils ont délaissé le côté social, ils ont privilégié leurs intérêts et ont abandonné la population. Ils sont responsables de la misère dans laquelle nous vivons aujourd'hui, assène-t-il. Il est inacceptable que certains d'entre eux se contentent de faire venir du riz et n'investissent plus dans l'agriculture nationale. Il faut aujourd'hui favoriser la classe qui a été dominée depuis deux cent sept ans d'indépendance. Je suis le catalyseur de ce changement."


Le président, dans une dépendance qui jouxte son palais encore en ruines deux ans après le séisme, s'en prend également à la présence étrangère. "Depuis le 12 janvier 2010, nous avons vu débarquer des dizaines d'ONG qui ne répondent à personne, qui s'engagent où elles veulent même quand il n'y a pas de nécessité, qui s'achètent les plus grandes voitures et louent les plus belles villas. Il nous faut un Etat sérieux, un Etat décidé qui soit capable de contrôler ce qui se passe sur notre territoire."Mais peut-il seulement faire ce qu'il dit ? Historiquement, l'Etat haïtien est une idée chancelante dont les fonctions régaliennes sont financées par la générosité internationale. La plupart des secteurs y compris l'eau et la santé sont pris en charge par l'étranger. Dans ses bureaux préfabriqués, le responsable de la Direction générale des impôts (DGI) laisse à une secrétaire affairée sur une machine à écrire le soin de recopier des espèces de grimoires empoussierés, dont certains datent de 1820. Les archives du cadastre national ont miraculeusement survécu à l'effondrement du bâtiment de cinq étages qui accueillait la DGI. Robert Joseph, alors directeur adjoint, se trouvait avec son supérieur dans un bureau situé au dernier niveau quand les murs ont commencé à danser. La plupart de ceux qui étaient présents sont morts. Lui a survécu du béton pendant plusieurs jours, une fracture ouverte à la jambe, avant d'en être extrait. Mais sa mission actuelle, depuis qu'il a pris la tête de son service, paraît plus difficile encore.


Sur les contreforts de Port-au-Prince, dans la petite cité grouillante de Pétion-Ville, la DGI a créé une section pour les gros contribuables ; en 2010, elle a réussi, malgré le séisme, à récolter 200 millions d'euros d'impôts. L'air y est climatisé. Le personnel accort. Il publie chaque année une liste des cent plus grands contribuables, acte de transparence censé autant souligner le travail de l'Etat qu'afficher au fronton républicain les entrepreneurs les plus méritants. Parmi eux, le secteur bancaire, des importateurs d'automobiles, les moulins d'Haïti, mais aussi de simples branches hôtelières qui, avec seulement 200 000 euros de contribution annuelle, s'affichent parmi les trente premiers contribuables du pays. Signe de déliquescence du secteur économique local, l'une des plus importantes entreprises en Haïti en termes de taxes payées (1,4 million d'euros en 2010) est la propriété d'un milliardaire irlandais. La couleur rouge de sa société de téléphonie mobile, Digicel, a conquis la moindre parcelle du territoire national. les revendeurs de cartes, les affiches publicitaires, même les murs privés qui ont été loués pour y placer des fresques immenses, tout Haïti semble pris d'une ferveur écarlate. Au sommet d'une tour de verre à la modernité effarante dans une capitale où les tours se comptent sur les doigts d'une main, le PDG de Digicel Haïti reçoit avec une confiance hilare qui change de la discrétion parfois paranoïaque des entrepreneurs haïtiens. Il est belge, a 36 ans ; cheveux lissés, chemise ouverte, Maarten Boute dirige sans faire de manières, l'un des empires les plus puissants d'un pays de dix millions d'habitants.


L'année dernière, son patron Denis O'Brien a fait beaucoup parler de lui en finançant à Port-au-Prince la réhabilitation du marché art déco qui avait brûlé après le séisme. L'initiative a si bien payé que l'image de ce hangar alimenté en électricité grâce à des panneaux solaires, seul endroit sur le territoire national où les robinets distribuent de l'eau potable, est devenue une sorte de contre-symbole d'une reconstruction qui patine. " Il s'agissait aussi pour nous de culpabiliser le secteur privé et la communauté internationale qui n'avaient lancé aucun chantier majeur dont les Haïtiens puissent être fiers." Maarten Boute ne ménage pas ses critiques à l'égard du secteur économique haïtien. Il décrit, à l'arrivée de Digicel dans le pays, des situations de quasi-monopole dans la téléphonie, avec des appels entrants payants et des appareils de première catégorie à 150 dollars américains. Aujourd'hui, le premier téléphone mobile peut être acquis pour dix dollars. L'entreprise a en outre conquis tous les domaines de la vie culturelle et sportive en Haïti : elle finance le championnat de football national et la plupart des concerts en plein air. " Ici, la communauté d'affaires est conduite par une oligarchie. Les prix sont 25 % plus élevés que dans le reste de la Caraïbe. Nous avons donné un grand coup de pied dans cette fourmilière. Nous étions confrontés à bien des problèmes que nous avons réussi à surmonter : l'insécurité endémique, les menaces de kidnapping, le manque d'infrastructures et d'électricité. Nous avions la chance d'être assez solides pour éviter les bâtons dans les roues politiques que les entrepreneurs haïtiens ont cherché à nous mettre. Les grandes familles haïtiennes sont milliardaires en gourdes, la monnaie nationale. Nous sommes milliardaires en dollars. Ils ne pouvaient pas lutter."


La multinationale, présente dans 32 pays, réalise aujourd'hui son chiffre d'affaires le plus important en Haïti. Elle visait 300 000 clients, elle en revendique plus de 2 millions, dont la moitié ne dépense qu'un dollar par mois pour ses conversations téléphoniques. Fils de coopérants en Afrique, Maarten Boute abhorre le système de l'aide internationale et des ONG : "La seule sortie possible pour Haïti, c'est l'économie réelle. L'argent de l'aide, c'est de la méthadone que l'on administre à un héroïnomane." Digicel a créé en Haïti un prix de l'entrepreneur de l'année, encourageant les démarches innovantes et éthiques. Le lauréat 2010 est un spécialiste de la mode qui a travaillé longtemps aux Etats-Unis avant de retourner sur l'île pour y fonder une coopérative de couturiers. Hans Garoute a 63 ans, il dirige son monde depuis un entrepôt de la zone industrielle de Port-au-Prince. Au milieu de l'entretien, l'électricité est coupée. Les travailleurs patientent. Chaque minute perdue retarde les commandes de l'Etat d'uniformes scolaires ; ils en ont déjà cousu plus d'un million, grâce à des associations de couturiers établies dans tout le pays. Habitué aux chutes de tension, le patron ne s'agace pas. "Je suis venu pour en finir avec l'industrie de la sous-traitance de textile à destination des sociétés américaines. Elles ont fait leur beurre de la chute de l'économie haïtienne. Elles ont refusé d'offrir à leurs employés un salaire minimal de cinq dollars par jour et elles n'ont jamais investi dans le pays. Les industriels haïtiens n'ont pas de vision, ils se sont toujours arrangés avec les gouvernements successifs depuis Duvalier."En 1965, communiste révolutionnaire, Garoute a tenté un coup d'Etat contre la dictature de François Duvalier. Sa petite embarcation a été épinglée par les garde-côtes de Floride avant même de sortir des eaux territoriales américaines. "Mon père a été assassiné par le régime duvaliériste. Ma mère fait encore des cauchemars sur les milices des 'tontons macoutes'. Comment voulez-vous que j'accepte le statu quo pour mon pays ?" Hans Garoute, quand il dénonce un royaume de la sous-traitance qui n'aiderait en rien le développement du pays, vise notamment, sans le nommer, Clifford Apaid.


Fils d'Andy Apaid, figure d'industriel politisé qui a participé à la chute d'Aristide en 2004, Clifford a 35 ans. Il mène, depuis un bureau sans luxe, BlackBerry hurlant à portée de main, des usines qui emploient plus de 10 000 ouvriers du textile. Troisième génération d'entrepreneurs d'origine libanaise, il assemble des tee-shirts, des blouses de travail et des pantalons pour de grandes marques américaines (Hayes, Cherokee, Dickies). En tout, un million d'unités par semaine qu'il vend 15 cents américains la pièce. Devant la porte de ses usines, au petit matin, des files interminables de journaliers se pressent pour un salaire au mérite, de 6 à 8 dollars. "L'employé haïtien n'est pas compétitif par rapport au Chinois. Il est plus lent et plus cher. Mais la loi Hope, qui a été renforcée après le séisme, permet de travailler avec les Etats-Unis sans taxe à l'importation. Le séisme a été pour nous le 'perfect storm', une tragédie bénéfique. Il nous a permis de faire repartir les commandes à la hausse." Les murs de la gigantesque fabrique, où la musique haïtienne diffusée couvre difficilement le vacarme des machines, sont couverts de recommandations sanitaires. Les entreprises qui concluent des marchés avec les Etats-Unis doivent se plier à certaines normes sociales qui excluent néanmoins la question salariale. Pour avoir exigé la hausse du salaire de base à 200 gourdes, cinq dollars, le député haïtien Steven Benoit est devenu une sorte de héros national, réélu l'année dernière au premier tour. L'industrie n'a pas suivi. "Je crois que vous ne comprenez pas que la moindre hausse ferait immédiatement pencher nos commanditaires vers d'autres prestataires, dans des pays plus favorables, argumente Clifford Apaid. Il n'y a aucune gloire, nous le savons, à travailler dans la sous-traitance. Nous ne participons pas à la création d'une classe moyenne. Si l'Etat était stable, nous pourrions nous développer et non nous contenter de coudre des vêtements que les Américains nous envoient." Pour l'économiste Camille Chalmers, le sempiternel argument de l'incapacité de l'Etat — qui justifierait le manque d'investissements par les entrepreneurs haïtiens — ne vaut qu'en partie. Il remonte loin, pour qu'on comprenne. Jusqu'à l'indépendance de 1804. "A cette époque, la seule solution pour la classe dominante aurait été de reproduire le modèle de la plantation. Mais sans esclave, c'était impossible. Alors, ils ont fondé une nouvelle caste au service des intérêts étrangers, en délaissant le milieu paysan." Parmi les causes du désastre économique haïtien, ce professeur à l'université d'Etat d'Haïti évoque également la marginalisation des acteurs locaux : "On ne peut pas seulement blâmer le secteur privé. Même s'il s'est aligné sur l'agenda international et qu'il investit presque uniquement à l'étranger. Je vous donne un exemple : sur les 292 millions de dollars alloués par l'agence américaine USAid à Haïti, seuls 49 000 dollars ont été attribués aux entreprises haïtiennes." Une aide internationale qui se refuse à renforcer l'Etat haïtien et contourne le plus souvent possible les entrepreneurs locaux : le poison fait son effet, en particulier depuis le séisme et l'accroissement substantiel des contributions étrangères. Bon an mal an, le plus gros contribuable haïtien se défend dans le chaos. L'année dernière, Acra Industries a versé plus de dix millions de dollars à l'Etat. Sa spécialité ? Les nécessités premières de la population. Dix mille tonnes de riz importées chaque année des Etats-Unis. Et de la tôle ondulée, celle que l'on voit partout dans les bidonvilles du pays, qu'il galvanise. "Nous sommes perçus comme des rapaces. Mais nous souffrons aussi de la pauvreté endémique du pays." La famille de Marc-Antoine Acra, 36 ans, s'est installée en Haïti en 1918. Elle venait du Liban. "Je ne me suis jamais senti autre chose qu'Haïtien. Mon grand-père est arrivé sans rien. En créole, on appelait les Arabes les saknando, ceux qui n'avaient que leur sac sur le dos. Le pays a toujours été dirigé par des descendants d'Européens. C'est Duvalier qui a misé sur nous. On lui doit beaucoup." Avec moins d'une dizaine d'autres familles, dont les Bigio, Mevs ou Brandt, les Acra forment cette élite immigrée il y a moins d'un siècle qui possède l'essentiel du pays. Reuven Bigio, crâne rasé et 4 × 4 blindé, est une synthèse captivante de ce milieu cosmopolite qui passe sa vie dans les avions entre Miami et Port-au-Prince, navigue entre son aciérie, ses immenses réserves de pétrole et les fêtes brillantes des hauteurs. Il ne perçoit les séquelles du séisme qu'à travers des vitres teintées. Et pourtant, il a peur.


C'est le drame des riches. Ils sont des cibles. Des gangs, en partie structurés par des Haïtiens déportés des Etats-Unis, ont fait du kidnapping une manière de rente redistributive à l'intention du ghetto de Cité-Soleil. Alors, les fortunés rechignent à quitter les cages dorées où ils sont parqués. Reginald Boulos, importateur de voitures robustes destinées aux ONG, a connu le pire quand sa femme a été enlevée. " Elle a été libérée quatre jours plus tard, contre 250 000 dollars." Après trois tentatives d'assassinat à connotation politique (il s'est opposé frontalement au régime d'Aristide), Boulos, médecin de formation, a décidé de cesser de pratiquer dans les quartiers les plus pauvres de Port-au-Prince. Et d'ouvrir une affaire. "Je me suis dit que si ce pays ne voulait pas que mon cerveau fasse du bien, alors il allait faire de l'argent. Je possède la plus grande chaîne de supermarchés du pays. Mon chiffre d'affaires atteint les 35 à 40 millions de dollars. Je crée des jobs." Il vous reçoit chez lui, derrière des murs surplombés de barbelés. De sa chambre, il extrait un synthétiseur Casio avec arrangements préprogrammés. Il écrit lui-même, pour sa compagnie, les mélodies des spots publicitaires. Au milieu de son séjour, il interprète la bande originale du film Le Parrain. A ce moment précis, il ne pense plus à la rue qui vrombit de l'autre côté du mur. Et à tous ces Haïtiens qui en veulent à son argent. "Devant mon piano, je suis calme."


Au milieu de cette économie fondée sur l'importation, il existe pourtant quelques motifs de fierté. Dans la distillerie Barbancourt, qui produit l'un des rhums les mieux cotés au monde, le patron Thierry Gardère parle d'une maison fondée en 1862, d'une production qui a survécu aux coups d'Etat et aux catastrophes naturelles, même si ses réserves ont été largement endommagées par le séisme. "Nous continuons. Notre quête de qualité relève de l'honneur national." Plus au sud, Jean-Pierre Blanchard est le premier producteur mondial de vétiver, dont la racine est utilisée en parfumerie. "Il y a quelque chose d'Haïti dans toutes les fragrances parisiennes." Pour eux, l'économie de l'île n'est pas condamnée à chuter. Jerry Tardieu, un jeune entrepreneur, réalise en ce moment un énorme projet hôtelier au coeur de Pétion-Ville. Selon lui, les reproches adressés à l'élite haïtienne sont légitimes. "Elle a maintenu ses privilèges contre vents et marées. Je me suis dit que je voulais changer de logique. Nous ne pouvons abandonner l'économie aux mains de quelques familles." Tardieu a étudié en Belgique, puis à Harvard, l'économie et l'administration publique. Il a ouvert le capital de son projet, budgétisé à 29 millions de dollars, à toutes les bourses ; de l'infirmière haïtienne qui investit 3 000 dollars à la banque qui a placé un million. Dans cet "espace de modernité" qu'il élabore, un hôtel cinq-étoiles avec un centre de congrès, Tardieu a décidé de ne pas raser un vieux restaurant historique des années 1950. "Il y a aux murs des photographies de Marlon Brando et d'autres stars hollywoodiennes en villégiature haïtienne. Elles nous rappellent un temps pas si lointain où Haïti était la troisième destination touristique des Caraïbes après Cuba et Porto-Rico, soulève-t-il. Je crois en un renouveau possible."


Sur le toit du complexe de sept étages, baptisé Oasis, les ouvriers mendient au visiteur étranger quelques gourdes. Les seules stars hollywoodiennes qu'ils ont jamais vues, ce sont celles qui viennent ici pour leurs bonnes oeuvres.


Photos Paolo Woods